Category: News

He left office under controversy. Now, at 85, Mutharika says he is the only one who can steady the ship.

By Collins Mtika:

At 85, Peter Mutharika is betting that Malawians will see him not as a relic of the past but as the steady hand to guide a nation in crisis.

The former president has accepted the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) nomination to challenge Lazarus Chakwera in the September 16, 2025, general election, a high-stakes test of whether experience can outweigh the hunger for change.

Mutharika, who led Malawi from 2014 to 2020, is campaigning on one urgent promise: to rescue the country from its economic freefall.

His message is blunt – “We are coming to fix the economy” – aimed at voters worn down by the collapsing value of the kwacha, foreign exchange shortages, and inflation stuck above 30%.

He presents his return as a response to a national cry for stability, appealing to memories of relative calm under his presidency.

That nostalgia is tempered by history. His 2019 re-election was annulled by the Constitutional Court for “widespread irregularities,” paving the way for Chakwera’s victory.

His tenure was also marked by allegations of corruption and cronyism, the same charges now facing the incumbent. Even so, his supporters argue that he delivered steadier growth and a more predictable political climate than Malawians face today.

A nation’s anger as Mutharika returns

The economic backdrop is grim. Inflation above 30% has gutted purchasing power. Foreign currency shortages have caused long queues at petrol stations and left hospitals without essential medicines.

The World Bank projects GDP growth of just 2.0% in 2025, insufficient to reverse a fourth consecutive year of falling per capita income. Poverty stands at 71.2%, with another 417,000 Malawians expected to fall below the $2.15-a-day threshold this year.

An El Niño-driven drought in 2024 has left one in four citizens facing acute food insecurity.

President Chakwera’s “new dawn” pledge of creating one million jobs has become a national punchline.

“Malawians suffer while leaders make empty promises,” opposition leader David Mbewe says, a frustration that has become political fuel for Mutharika’s comeback bid.

Navigating a fractured field

The DPP itself has been weakened by infighting, including the expulsion of its vice president for the south, Kondwani Nankhumwa, who now leads his own party.

Yet the leadership has united around Mutharika, prioritising his name recognition over promoting new figures.

Meanwhile, the ruling Tonse Alliance has collapsed following the 2024 death of Vice President Saulos Chilima in a plane crash and the withdrawal of his United Transformation Movement (UTM) from the coalition.

Mutharika is now courting the UTM in hopes of forging a pre-election pact, a move that could reshape the electoral map.

Under Malawi’s 50%+1 rule, the race will likely head to a second round. Former president Joyce Banda is also running, adding to the crowded field and making an outright first-round win for any candidate improbable.

The Corruption Shadow

Corruption remains a defining fault line. Transparency International ranks Malawi 115th out of 180 countries on its Corruption Perceptions Index. Both Mutharika and Chakwera face lingering questions over past dealings.

The UK’s indictment of businessman Zuneth Sattar for allegedly bribing Malawian officials, including figures linked to both administrations, underscores the depth of the problem.

For Mutharika, the challenge is to convince voters his return would not repeat past patterns. Critics like political scientist Wonderful Mkhutche argue he offers no fresh solutions to Malawi’s structural problems. Supporters counter that proven leadership is precisely what the country needs in turbulent times.

Institutions under watch

The Malawi Electoral Commission is under pressure to deliver a credible vote, with the memory of the annulled 2019 election still fresh.

Civil society groups are scrambling to fund voter education and election monitoring. Reports of politically motivated attacks and online hate speech have raised concerns about a growing climate of hostility.

The judiciary and military, both respected for their independence, remain critical guardrails. Yet voter apathy looms, fueled by broken promises and a sense that no candidate represents genuine change.

A decision between Past and Future

On September 16, Malawians will make more than a political choice.

They will decide whether to return to a leader with a complicated legacy but a reputation for stability or stick with a president whose vision has faltered under economic strain.

For Mutharika, it is a gamble that voters will choose stability over novelty. For the nation, it is a question of whether the past is a safer bet than an uncertain future.

Once a beacon of hope after Malawi’s historic 2020 election rerun, Lazarus Chakwera now faces an electorate battered by economic pain and political déjà vu. On September 16, voters will decide if his promise of change still holds or if it is time to turn the page.

By Collins Mtika:

Five years ago, Lazarus Chakwera swept into Malawi’s highest office on a wave of hope, promising to “clear the rubble of impunity” and lead the country to prosperity.

Now, as Malawians prepare to vote on September 16, 2025, the Pastor-turned-President faces the toughest battle of his political career, a fight not just against rivals, but against a wave of public disillusionment that threatens to cut his presidency short.

From symbol of change to target of frustration

Chakwera’s rise was historic. In 2020, Malawi’s Constitutional Court annulled a fraudulent election, only the second time in Africa’s history that such a ruling overturned a presidential result.

Riding a groundswell of popular demand for change, Chakwera and his Tonse Alliance defeated incumbent Peter Mutharika in the court-ordered rerun.

At his inauguration, he promised a new era of accountability, opportunity, and growth.

But as the 2025 polls approach, the optimism that once defined his presidency has been replaced by widespread frustration over economic decline, persistent corruption, and a political scene still dominated by old faces.

His main challengers are Mutharika, now 85, and former president Joyce Banda, 74, both leaders Chakwera once positioned himself against as symbols of the past.

That the race is again between these familiar figures underscores the perception that Malawi’s political system has failed to produce fresh leadership.

Economic turbulence: Chakwera’s greatest weakness

Nothing has done more to damage Chakwera’s re-election chances than the state of the economy.

Polls show 89% of Malawians believe the country is heading in the wrong direction, with over 70% living on less than $2.15 a day.

Chakwera’s government has faced crises beyond its control, like COVID-19, the war in Ukraine, and Cyclone Freddy in 2023, but also policy decisions that deepened public pain.

The 44% devaluation of the Kwacha in November 2023, designed to secure a $175 million IMF credit facility, triggered a surge in prices for food, fuel, and farm inputs.

“Before the devaluation, a bag of fertilizer was MK 75,000; today it costs MK 190,000,” said a Lilongwe businessman. “Everything has gone up, but incomes haven’t changed.”

The government insists these are necessary steps toward economic recovery. The opposition calls them a “death sentence to Malawians.”

Chakwera’s 2020 pledge to create one million jobs has become a bitter point of mockery, replaced in the public imagination by his controversial program to send young Malawians to work on Israeli farms.

Critics say it is proof the government cannot generate decent jobs at home.

Anti-Corruption drive loses Steam

Chakwera campaigned as a corruption fighter, initially boosting resources for the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) and declaring graft Malawi’s “biggest enemy.”

But public trust has eroded amid accusations of selective justice and political convenience.

The Zuneth Sattar procurement scandal, which allegedly implicated dozens of officials, including the late Vice President Saulos Chilima, tested Chakwera’s resolve.

While he removed Chilima’s powers and dismissed some officials, critics say the entrenched networks remain untouched.

The quiet removal of ACB Director General Martha Chizuma in May 2024, after she was harassed for voicing frustrations over lack of government support, was seen as the end of a genuine anti-corruption push.

A collapsed Alliance and rising Opposition

The political coalition that carried Chakwera to victory in 2020 no longer exists.

The Tonse Alliance splintered in July 2024 when the United Transformation Movement (UTM) withdrew, leaving Chakwera’s Malawi Congress Party (MCP) on its own under the 50%+1 system, which demands broad electoral coalitions.

The sudden death of UTM leader and Vice President Chilima in June 2024 left a leadership vacuum among the youth and reform-minded voters.

Meanwhile, Mutharika’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has rebounded.

An August 2024 Afrobarometer poll placed the DPP at 43% support, compared to 29% for the MCP, a stunning reversal for a party voted out just five years ago over corruption and arrogance.

The Road to September 16

Chakwera’s re-election bid now rests on convincing Malawians that his government has laid the groundwork for a future recovery, despite present suffering.

His campaign is expected to lean on his 2020 democratic victory, positioning himself as the only candidate capable of protecting reforms and steering the country through global and domestic storms.

But he faces an electorate weary of hardship and skeptical of political promises.

Catholic Bishops recently accused his administration of leading the nation not to prosperity, but to “Bagamoyo,” a metaphor for betrayal, invoking a port once linked to the slave trade.

If Chakwera wins, it will mark a remarkable political escape for a leader many had already written off.

If he loses, it will be a sharp reversal for a man who began his presidency as a symbol of hope and democratic renewal.

On September 16, Malawians will decide whether Chakwera deserves another five years or whether his moment as the nation’s change-maker has passed.

Once seen as a bridge to the top, Malawi’s vice presidency has become a graveyard of political ambitions and, in Chilima’s case, of lives.

By Collins Mtika:

The office of the Vice President of Malawi, located on Capital Hill in Lilongwe, should be the second most powerful seat in the country.

Instead, it has become a political graveyard, a place of constant tension where closeness to power breeds distrust rather than succession.

Since the advent of multi-party democracy in 1994, a destructive cycle has defined the relationship between Malawi’s presidents and their deputies: initial alliance, followed by fallout, marginalization, and public humiliation.

This pattern, grimly referred to as the “curse of the vice presidency,” has destabilized successive administrations.

It has now been tragically underscored by the death of Vice President Saulos Chilima in a plane crash in June 2024, an event that raises uncomfortable questions about the very structure of Malawi’s governance.

A legacy of Mistrust: The Birth of the “Curse”

The strained dynamic between president and deputy is a problem unique to Malawi’s democratic era.

The country’s first president-for-life, Hastings Kamuzu Banda, never had a formal vice president, preferring to consolidate power entirely in his own hands.

The 1994 constitution introduced the vice presidency, with both president and vice president elected on a single ticket. This system, intended to ensure continuity, ironically planted the seeds of discord.

The very first pair, President Bakili Muluzi and the late Vice President Justin Malewezi, set the precedent. Their relationship began cordially but soured as Muluzi’s second term neared its end.Former President Bakili Muluzi accused his late Vice President Justin Malewezi of failing to bring development to his home district.
Late Malewezi, a technocrat chosen to complement Muluzi’s business background, was sidelined when he was passed over as successor.

He was publicly accused of failing to bring development to his home district, a politically charged criticism designed to justify Muluzi’s choice to back Bingu wa Mutharika instead.

This early breakdown foreshadowed what was to come.

According to law professor Danwood Chirwa, the constitutional design turns the vice president into more than a deputy, it makes them a potential rival.

“If the president dies, becomes incapacitated, or is impeached, the vice president is constitutionally expected to ascend to the presidency,” Chirwa notes, underscoring the high stakes.

From Sidelining to Treason Charges

The “curse” intensified under Muluzi’s successor, Bingu wa Mutharika. His first vice president, Cassim Chilumpha, faced a stormy tenure.

When Mutharika abandoned the United Democratic Front (UDF) to form the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Chilumpha stayed with the UDF.

The split quickly turned into open warfare. Mutharika accused Chilumpha of running a “parallel government” and in 2006 attempted to fire him.

Bingu wa Mutharika accused his then Vice President Cassim Chilumpha of running a “parallel government” and in 2006 attempted to fire him.
The High Court blocked the move, ruling that only Parliament could remove a vice president through impeachment.

The administration escalated its efforts, arresting Chilumpha and charging him with treason, accusing him of plotting to assassinate the president. Chilumpha said the charges were political retaliation for refusing to join the DPP.

Mutharika’s second term brought a new deputy, Joyce Banda, and the same poisonous dynamic. When Mutharika began grooming his brother Peter as his successor, Banda resisted.

In 2010, she was expelled from the DPP.

Bingu’s second term brought a new deputy, Joyce Banda, and … when Mutharika began grooming his brother Peter as his successor, Banda resisted.

Unable to remove her constitutionally, Mutharika ostracised her politically. One ally mocked, “How can a Mandasi (fried cakes) seller become president?”, a jibe at her humble business background.

Fate had the final word.

When Mutharika died suddenly in 2012, Banda, the sidelined deputy, became president, exactly as the constitution required.

The Chilima Factor

The pattern reached its most dramatic and tragic expression in the career of Saulos Chilima, who served as vice president under two different presidents.

A charismatic former private-sector executive, Chilima joined Peter Mutharika’s ticket in 2014, bringing reformist appeal.The partnership initially worked but began to crack by 2016.

Mutharika accused unnamed party members, widely understood to include Chilima, of acting like “Pharisees and Judas Iscariots” while he was abroad. Gradually, Chilima was frozen out.

In 2018, he left the ruling party to form his own, the United Transformation Movement (UTM), and challenged Mutharika in the 2019 elections.

When the courts annulled those elections, Chilima joined forces with Lazarus Chakwera to win the 2020 rerun under the “Tonse Alliance,” promising to end corruption and cronyism.

The “curse” struck again.

Tensions arose over an alleged agreement that Chakwera would serve one term and back Chilima for president in 2025. In June 2022, Chakwera stripped him of his powers.

By November, Chilima was arrested on corruption charges involving a British-Malawian businessman. His supporters claimed the case was politically motivated to derail his presidential ambitions.

In June 2022, Lazarus Chakwera stripped him of his powers when Tensions arose over an alleged agreement that Chakwera would serve one term and back Chilima for president in 2025
In May 2024, prosecutors dropped the case, just one month before his death.On June 10, 2024, Chilima and eight others were killed in a plane crash.

While the official inquiry blamed bad weather and human error, German aviation experts pointed to grave negligence: the aircraft’s airworthiness certificate had expired, and its emergency beacon was non-functional, a flaw that could have delayed rescue efforts.

These revelations have fueled public outrage and conspiracy theories, with many questioning whether the tragedy could have been prevented.

The loss of Chilima, a popular, reform-minded politician, has left a deep void in Malawi’s political landscape.

Breaking the Cycle

The recurring conflict between Malawi’s presidents and their deputies is more than a string of personal feuds; it is a structural flaw that undermines governance, fuels instability, and distracts from the pressing needs of one of the world’s poorest countries.

The current constitutional setup, a jointly elected but independently empowered vice president, creates an inherent rivalry, particularly when succession politics come into play.

Every administration has been scarred by this internal struggle, preventing the country from fully using the talent of its leadership.

Saulos Chilima’s death is the most devastating outcome of this pattern, leaving a dangerous political vacuum. It is also a warning.

Whether through constitutional reform, a shift in political culture, or a clearer vice-presidential mandate, Malawi must transform its second-highest office into a source of stability, not a cursed throne that imperils both its occupants and the nation.

The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Spokesperson Shadric Namalomba has described recent political statements from United Democratic Front (UDF) president Atupele Muluzi as statements from a frustrated man.

He was reacting to Muluzi’s recent attacks on DPP running mate Jane Ansah.

In a statement released Tuesday, Namalomba said the UDF presidential candidate is frustrated for not being picked as DPP presidential candidate Peter Muthalika’s running mate.

“The DPP acknowledges the root cause of Mr. Muluzi’s hostility. It is public knowledge that without any notable political achievements of his own, he had hoped to ride to the presidency through being chosen as a running mate to His Excellency Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika.

“When this aspiration was not fulfilled, he has resorted to a campaign of slander, animosity, and personal attacks. Malawians deserve leaders with a vision and a commitment to serve, not those driven by resentment and a sense of entitlement,” he said

Namalomba said it is disheartening and surprising that instead of presenting his own manifesto or holding President Lazarus Chakwera accountable for his government’s failures, Muluzi chooses to focus on tarnishing the image of the DPP, “the only reliable alternative”.

“The recent derogatory comments made by Mr. Muluzi towards our running mate, Justice Jane Ansah, SC, are of grave concern. His baseless attempt to undermine her leadership can only be attributed to her gender as a woman.

“These remarks not only lack respect for  Ansah as an individual, but also demonstrate a concerning disregard for the role of women in leadership. Ansah is a distinguished legal scholar and judge retired, who has served with integrity, excellence, and patriotism as a Justice on the Supreme Court of Appeal.

“It is a fact that Atupele Muluzi’s own father and former president, Bakili Muluzi, had complete faith in Ansah’s capabilities, appointing her as a High Court Judge. Mr. Muluzi’s attempts to diminish her now are hypocritical and dishonorable, tarnishing the respect and statesmanship his father displayed.

“In the midst of challenging times in Malawi, where citizens are facing issues such as fuel shortages, high inflation, forex shortages, unemployment, corruption, and governance failures under the leadership of Lazarus Chakwera, it is disappointing to see Muluzi directing his efforts towards undermining a fellow opposition party instead of addressing these pressing challenges.

“It is possible that his recent alliance talks with Chakwera have influenced his actions, as he now appears to be acting in the interests of  Chakwera, even though he has no intention or chance of winning the election.

“The DPP has always respected former President Bakili Muluzi for his contributions to the country’s democracy, and we have treasured the historic relationship between our party and the UDF. The DPP remains dedicated to focusing on important issues and offering solutions to restore the nation’s pride, economic stability, and prosperity.

“We urge all politicians to engage in respectful and productive discussions that strengthen our democracy rather than weaken it. As for  Atupele Muluzi, we specifically request him to immediately stop making derogatory comments towards individuals, particularly our party leaders, based on their age or gender,” he said

 

The Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) has implored journalists in the country to desist from being agents of fake news as campaign period for the September 16 General Election is opened.

MEC’s Director of Media and Public Relations, Sangwani Mwafulirwa made the remarks after conducting media trainings on elections reporting targeting Mangochi and Lilongwe journalists on Saturday and Monday respectively.

Gazette Media has organised the trainings which will also equip Northern Region-based journalists on Wednesday and their colleagues from Southern Region on Saturday this week.

Mwafulirwa said journalists, especially those working with community outlets like radios, have an obligation to civic educate masses on best election practises through their various media channels.

“It is time you started questioning some of the promises politicians make. Some of the information the politicians send is deliberately meant to misinform people, and it is our duty to take them to task, and not helping them to spread the fake information,” he said.

The training also equipped journalists with knowledge of the polling system and processes, dispute resolution and election malpractices.

One of the Lilongwe participants, Zephaniah Nungu of Nkhoma Radio commended MEC for the training.

“We have refreshed our minds on our duty during this crucial period. Sometimes we really neglect our duties as media and help to spread fake news. People trust everything they hear from us, so we need to up our game and verify information before sending it across to the audience,” he said.

MEC also briefed the participants about the Electoral Management Devices (EMD) sourced from Smartmatic company.

Monga mwa lamulo, Bungwe la Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) lati lilimbe mphamvu iliyonse yosintha wapambuyo pa wopikisana pa udindo wa mtsogoleli wa dziko (running mate) pa zisankho zikubwelazi.

Mneneri wa bungweli Sangwani Mwafulirwa wanena izi lolemba paisankho

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maphunziro a atolankhani mu m’zinda wa Lilongwe.

Iye wati bungwe lawo lilibe danga lililonse losinthila running mate wa chipani monga mwa lamulo.

Iye wati pa chisankho choyamba, lamulo m’dziko lino lidapeleka danga kuti running mate atha kusintidwa pokha- pokha ngati iye wamwalira, kapena ngati wavomeleza kuti sakufuna kupikisana nawo pa chisankho, ngatinso wapezeka kuti sali oyenela kupikisana nawo, komanso ngati wapezeka kuti ali osathekela kugwira ntchito.

Mwafulirwa anaonjezelanso kuti pa chisankho chachiwiri – chomwe ngati dziko lavota ndipo palibe mtsogoleri amene wapambana, amene wapeza mavoti osadutsila theka osachepela theka ya mavoti amene aponyedwa olungama (valid votes), iye wati lamulo limanena kuti pakhale chisankho cha anthu awiri amene apezeka pa nambala 1 ndi 2 ndipo ngati pangakhale kusintha kwa running mate zikhoza kuchitika ngati running mate wamwalira, akapezeka kuti samayenela kupikisana nawo pa chisankho, komanso akapezeka kuti sangathe kugwira ntchito.

Mwafulirwa wati izi ndizomwe ziyenela kusatidwa pofuna kusintha running mate.

Patricia Nangozo Kainga, the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) aspirant for Zomba City South Constituency, has vowed to revive development in the area, citing her past achievements as a Member of Parliament.

Speaking at a political rally at Sadzi Community Day Secondary School ground, Kainga claimed that since her exit from parliament in 2019, little tangible progress has been made in the area.

Kainga highlighted her track record of initiating development projects that transformed residents’ lives during her tenure.

She attributed the area’s struggles to poor leadership by the current parliamentarian and urged residents to elect her to restore the area’s glory.

If elected on September 16, Kainga pledged to focus on infrastructure, health, and education developments

She also promised to provide soft loans to women and youths to scale up small-scale businesses, citing these initiatives as potential game-changers for residents’ lives.

“I will ensure that every resident has a means to earn a living by providing start-up business packs, vocational skills for youths, and education” Kainga said.

She urged residents to elect her as their Member of Parliament and Dr Lazarous Chakwera as President of Malawi to continue developments iniatives currently under way.